top of page
Writer's pictureDouglas Groothuis

The Philosophy of Free Speech

By Dr. Douglas Groothuis


For anyone paying attention, it should be obvious that the federal government and much of big tech has been trying—often successfully—to stifle free speech in America for some time. Elon Musk has been the target by purchasing Twitter and allowing more free speech than the previous owners. Both Kamala Harris and Tim Walz are on record for the civil government denying speech they deem dangerous. Mark Zuckerberg, the head of Meta, recently released a letter detailing the pressure the Biden administration put on Facebook to censor certain ideas about the pandemic. Zuckerberg eventually agreed, but now regrets it, as he should.


This attack on free speech almost always comes from the left and is aimed against the right, but it can work either way. Those on the left complain when pornographic books are removed from public schools and public libraries, claiming that this is “book banning” and unconstitutional. But certainly not all speech should be unrestricted. In this case, children should not view sexualized material, since it is not age appropriate. (The hawked LGBTQ material is inappropriate for anyone of any age, since it is immoral, often pornographic.) Yet, we should ask what worldview supports free speech as a cherished and objective value for a free society?


When discussing freedom of speech, Americans often hark back to the First Amendment to the Constitution (1787), which states: 


Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press; or the right of the people peaceably to assemble, and to petition the Government for a redress of grievances.


Strictly speaking, the Amendment only restricts “congress” from “prohibiting the free exercise” of religion or “abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press.” Note that there is no “freedom of expression” in the First Amendment.” That is modern (and debauched) interpolation. The First Amendment document has words and ideas in mind, not effusions of unarticulated emotion. Thus, burning a flag is not “free speech.” But what assumptions undergirded this sterling pronouncement?


Whether one appeals to the First Amendment or not, if one values a society in which speech, press, and religion is not censored, one must logically assume several ideas:


1.    There is such a thing as objective truth. This assumes a correspondence view of truth: a true statement corresponds to a reality outside itself. I defend this in Truth Decay (InterVarsity Press, 2000). This is a claim of metaphysics and contrasts with social constructivism (or postmodernism) about truth.

 

2.    Objective truth is worth knowing (and can be known) since it connects us with reality and allows for human flourishing. This is a value claim (axiology). Henry Frankfort defends this in his little gem of a book, On Truth, although he doesn’t situation his claims within a Christian worldview. As J. P. Moreland wrote in Love Your God With All Your Mind:

 

This is why truth is so powerful. It allows us to cooperate with reality, whether spiritual or physical, and tap into its power. As we learn to think correctly about God, specific scriptural teachings, the soul, or other important aspects of a Christian world view, we are placed in touch with God and those realities. And we thereby gain access to the power available to us to live in the kingdom of God.

 

3.    Rational exposition and analysis are the preferred modes for ascertaining objective truth. This is an ancient claim, made by the Greek philosophers and most subsequent philosophers. Jesus honored it by his use of argument in his ministry. See my book, On Jesus, to substantial this. John Stuart Mill said it well in On Liberty:


He who knows only his own side of the case knows little of that. His reasons may be good, and no one may have been able to refute them. But if he is equally unable to refute the reasons on the opposite side, if he does not so much as know what they are, he has no ground for preferring either opinion.


4.    Therefore (a), open discourse is generally the best way to come to the truth of important matters. This means that the state—except in extreme cases of public menace—should not decide what is true or false speech, but let the public decide. On this, see Alan Dershowitz, The Case Against the New Censorship.  

 

5.    Therefore (b), laws and cultural mores should honor open discourse and not stifle or prohibit it. This is the value of “the open marketplace of ideas,” an idea found increasingly unpopular.


The philosophies of Postmodernism and Critical Race Theory (which I discuss in Fire in the Streets) cannot support the objective value of freedom of speech. So, we should not be surprised at the many cancellations brought about by those holding these theories. As the philosophy necessary to support the value of the freedom of speech is undermined, Americans will lose their opportunities to state and defend their views. Inasmuch as this happens, America will further decline and cease to be what it should be: “the land of the free and the home of the brave.”

280 views0 comments

Recent Posts

See All

Comentários


bottom of page